Air Pollution a Silent Killer to Children Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Air Pollution a Silent Killer to Children - Essay Example The control group was made up of children who died from causes associated with respiratory complications. The controls were pair matched to the cases in respect to gender, year of birth, and year of death after they had been selected randomly from the set of possible controls for each case. The results were that, cancer cases had considerable higher rate of 87.3% of occurrence for those residing in urban municipalities than that of controls of 80.5%. They further revealed that, the crude odds ratios were considerably higher than 1.0 for the groups with high levels of nitrogen dioxide exposure in their residential municipality. This implies that, there was a considerable trend toward an increased risk of childhood leukemia with rising nitrogen dioxide concentrations. The findings of this study are consistent with previous studies as reflected in the problem statement. This study offers further evidence of a relationship between exposure to traffic exhaust emissions and the risk of childhood leukemia. The findings of this study call further investigation of the role of traffic air pollution in childhood leukemia.

Ayatollah Khomeini and Gamal Abdul-Nasser Essay

Ayatollah Khomeini and Gamal Abdul-Nasser - Essay Example However, this assertion is contested. This is because at the time of the revolution, Iran was experiencing un-employment rate of approximately 30%1. Unemployment is one of the indicators of poor development and economic growth. Based on this fact, the assertion that Iran was politically and economically stable is false, and does not hold any ground. On the other hand, the revolution in Egypt occurred when the country was experiencing a series of poor political and economic governance. Despite the differences in these revolutions, and the two leaders, Gamal Abdul Nasser and Ayatollah Khomeini shared a lot of similarities as well as differences in their leadership structure and system2. One major similarity is that the two leaders were charismatic, and they sought to eliminate any form of opposition to their leadership. For instance, Nasser ordered a crackdown on the Muslim Brotherhood, a group that was opposing his leadership, while Ayatollah Khomeini sought to kill any political supporters of the Shah. This paper takes a stand that both Ayatollah Khomeini and Gamal Abdul-Nasser were charismatic leaders, who influenced their societies and people, despite their undemocratic systems of governance. Gamal Abdul Nasser was the second Egyptian president, and he began his presidency in the year 1956, to the time he died, which was in 1970. He played an instrumental role in the overthrow of the Egyptian monarch in the year 1952, and as a result, he was rewarded with a post, as a deputy prime minister3. This is an indication that Gamal Abdul Nasser was an important leader to the revolutionaries, and he was held in high esteem. Furthermore, the power and authority that Gamal Abdul Nasser had is depicted when he managed to arrest President Muhammad Naguib, and place him under house arrest.

Product Design and Process Selection - Services Essay Example for Free

Product Design and Process Selection Services Essay 1. Identify the operations management problems that Dr. Barr is having at the clinic. Dr, Barr is experiencing several operations problems due to a change in what customers are requesting compared to the services the clinic was designed to offer. The increase in specialized services and the addition of grooming requires a different layout. Not only have the space requirements changed but some non-contact services are being performed in contact areas. Customers are requesting a mix of services but the clinic has not thought about service â€Å"packages†. Finally, the staff is not trained for the new service mix. 2. How would you define the â€Å"service bundle† currently being offered? How is this different from the initial purpose of the clinic? Customers are now requesting a bundle of grooming, examining, and sometimes minor surgical services. The business was originally designed to offer examining and surgical services. Not only do the new demands require additional services but also customers see these as a package. The clinic needs to offer the demanded bundle more seamlessly. 3.Identify the high-contact and low-contact segments of the operation. How should each be managed? The high contact segments include reception and customer waiting. The low contact segments are examining, surgery, and grooming. However, grooming is currently being performed in a high contact area. High contact segments must be performed while the customer is present and in contact. Low contact segments can be performed while the customer is not there, and do not need customer contact. In fact, as the grooming operations demonstrate, customer contact with low contact segments can decrease performance. 4.What should Dr. Barr have done differently to avoid the problems she is currently experiencing? What should she do now? Dr. Barr should have studied the impact of a change in the mix of services offered before she started accepting a significantly different mix. Now she needs to either reject business that is outside of her original plans (probably not what she wants to do) or redesign the clinic to better handle the current mix. The redesign should include a new facilities layout, employee training, and probably attention to the service â€Å"packages† offered.

Female Representation in Parliament: Research into the Conservative Party

Female Representation in Parliament: Research into the Conservative Party Female representation in parliament and the Conservative Party and how they engage with women’s issues. Through a recent gendered analysis of the Conservative Party, it has come to fruition that women are still being underrepresented in politics and women’s issues are not being heard. Such research has demonstrated that this may be due to the selection process being biased and political office remaining a masculine field. Women are still representing ‘fewer than one in five MP’s in the UK’ (Russell et al, 2000 :17) and make up just 21.8% of the world’s parliamentarians (Forke & Rickne, 2016). The female absence from politics has suggested that society might be getting its leaders from an excessively narrow area of human talent and that female preferences are underrepresented in political judgments’ (Murray, 2014). Due to this lack of female representation, a number issues such as childcare, women’s pensions and care of the elderly are not being properly addressed. At present, there is a distinct limit in the amount of of research conducted into gender in the conservative party and the House of Commons but a fair portion of the preexisting literature surrounding it all points to gendered inequalities based on old forms of gender norms in parliament. In the following research report I will explain why females are so under represented in parliament and the gender inequality that comes with it as well as explaining what effects the male built establishment in the party has on governmental policies such as childcare. Methodology This analysis uses secondary data that has been collected from the UK data service. The data was originally used by Paul Webb and Sarah Childs (See Webb & Childs, 2009) for ‘an extensive gendered analysis of the contemporary UK Conservative Party’ (Webb & Childs, 2009). The data was collected over the duration of three years in order to assess how far the Conservative Party was assimilating women and their concerns and if women’s issues were being taken seriously (Webb & Childs, 2009). The full dataset consists of 27 face –to- face semi-structured interviews with Conservative Peers and 19 Conservative MP’s. Focus groups were also conducted with 7 groups of floating and unbiased individuals and then six groups of party members. Through the analysis of secondary data I will be assessing the accounts given by several members and nonmembers of the parliamentary group through the dissection of qualitative interviews of two male and female Conservative peers and two male and female Conservative MP’s. Qualitative interviews are particularly useful as a form of research because they ‘access individual’s attitudes and values- things that cannot necessarily be observed in a formal questionnaire’ (Silverman, 2004, 182). In using 4 female and 4 male interview transcripts I was able to access the difference of opinion of why they believe females are being under represented in the Conservative party and the House of Commons and how they think women’s issues could be better dealt with. I also analysed four focus groups, two of which are Conservative Party sympathisers and two of which are groups of party members. Focus groups are particularly useful as a form of secondary research because ‘in focus groups participants are able to bring to the fore issues in relation to a topic that they deem to be important and significant [†¦] because the moderator has to relinquish a certain amount of control to the participants, the issues that concern them can surface’ (Bryman, 2012, 338). I have used focus group data because the data that occurs from the participants interacting with one another can be useful in determining the specific issues related to the topic in question (Bryman, 2012). However, there are certain limitations to this type of research, focus groups produce an extensive amount of data, which can sometimes be difficult to analyse on top of being excessively time consuming. Therefore, developing a strategy to analyse the data which incorporated both what people say and their pattern of interaction can prove to be quite problematic (Bryman, 2012).   Another limitation of focus groups is that sometimes the poor quality of recordings causes them to become inaudible, which affects the transcription and therefore subsequently the data produced, rendering it unreliable (Bryman, 2012). There are also certain limitations to qualitative interviews as interviews do not tell us ‘directly about peoples experiences’ and ‘few researchers believe that in the course of the interview, you are able to get into someone’s head’ (Silverman, 2015, 83). The following report uses thematic analysis from the study of qualitative interviews and focus groups and explores the under representation of women in the Conservative Party and political office, with reference to gender equality in the conservative party and also seeks to explain why women’s exclusion from politics may be due to particular women’s issues such as childcare and care of the elderly which has not been properly addressed by the government. Findings Under representation of women in the Conservative Party Through my analysis of the research data, it came to attention that it has generally been thought that women are severely underrepresented in parliament and in the Conservative party (Russel et al, 2000). Many of the interviewee’s agreed upon the fact that the selection process is still deemed ‘prejudiced and sexist’ and is still run by middle- aged men which makes it harder for females to maneuver. (Russell et al, 2000). For example, women now only represent 9% of the parliamentary party and out of 48 candidates that applied to the Conservative Party, it was found that only seven women out of those candidates were interviewed by the selection panel. This is due, as one male Conservative MP claimed, to the selection panels having certain bigoted views towards females: â€Å"The selection panels are based of white older men who consist of pig headed old guys who turn up wearing Second World War underpants with the attitude that goes with it’. (Male Conservative MP) This can be backed up by Theresa May, a female member of the Conservative party, who in a party conference said ‘looking at its elected representatives you will see a predominantly white male party. Given that we now see an ethnically diverse society, where women play a major role, the conservative party doesn’t look like the people its claiming to represent’. (Theresa May, Party Conference, 2002). This can be further shown when the male MP expressed his amazement at the lack of females in parliament and claimed that even in countries like Rwanda and Pakistan, which are notoriously patriarchal societies, they have more women representatives in their government than Britain does. It has been accepted that in order to get more votes, the Conservative Party needs to obtain more women into the party and therefore makes the selection process more accessible. However, one female conservative peer claims: â€Å"It’s still harder for women to get selected even in spite of the party saying ‘we’d like a woman’†.   (Female Conservative Peer) Females were often subjected to criticism for their personal lives, if they were example said to be divorced. One female MP claimed that women therefore had to ‘cuddle up’ to the selection committee; â€Å"Whose instinct is to prefer a pinstripe identikit candidate with who they wish to spend Friday evenings† (Female Conservative MP) In other literature, it has been suggested that some women have been made to feel uncomfortable and unwelcome in the House of Commons due to the masculine feel of it (Russel et al, 2000). This is further shown in the data studied as a male Conservative MP talks about the aggressive nature of politics and women who feel uncomfortable in the House of Commons are so because women are generally less confrontational than men. The House of Commons is thus seen as less feminized and an unattractive place for women to work in. One Male MP even admitted to the party being unable to change itself and if women weren’t happy with the way things were, then they would have to adapt and change themselves in order to fit in. Gender Equality in the Conservative Party and House of Commons Through the analysis of the focus groups, the theme of equality was an issue that was raised often. Interestingly, both the men and the females agreed upon the fact that: â€Å"I think for any women wanting to get ahead on her own abilities she’s got to be probably twice as qualified as a lot of men† (Focus Group, Male Conservative Member) The participants generally felt that in order for a woman to get ahead they would have to be very self- assured and confident if they wanted to ascertain positions they wanted. In most of the female focus groups it was widely discussed that women were bullied in the House of Commons and that they had to put up with a lot of ‘sexist rubbish’, claiming that the men were always likely to back each other up, but constantly looking for a way to put down the women. The theme of equality is an issue that has been raised in previous literature, as Dillard (2005) claimed that ‘women experience some disadvantage based on their sex or gender roles’ (page number) and Krook & Childs (2010) also claimed that due to inequality, women therefore ‘rarely assume leadership roles and now make up a minority of all top party officials’ (Krook & Childs, 2010, 6). It was also discussed on one floating voter focus group how politicians are out of touch with things like gender equality with one male in the group claiming that he is disappointed by the progress that women have made in terms of equality, and said: â€Å"Politicians often point to a rare example of two successful female politicians to prove that its possible, but in reality it isn’t as easy as that† (Male, Floating Voter Focus Group). When asked what the Conservative Party and the house of Commons should do to get more support of female voters and get more women into parliament, one woman from the floating voter focus group claimed that even if the party did attempt to appeal more to women, it wouldn’t matter because the female voters would know that it was insincere; Interviewer : â€Å" Do you think theres anything the conservative party should be doing to appeal more to women?† Female Respondent: â€Å"If they do we know it’s a lip service. That’s the problem. They think its like we need to speak to women to do whatever it takes, but they shouldn’t even be asking this it should be innate† (Female, Floating Voter Focus Group). Many of the females from the focus groups seemed to think that the ‘glass ceiling’ effect was still in play, with one woman from the floating voter focus group claiming; â€Å"People are saying theres no more sexism but if you actually examine the percentage of people in the highly paid, powerful jobs, the glass ceiling is there and in fact its getting worse†( Female, Floating Voter Focus Group). This is further shown in the literature, in the written report by Webb and Childs after they concluded their research analysis where they found that while ‘42% of women strongly agree that government should make sure that women have an equal chance to succeed, onlu 25% of men do† (Webb & Childs, 2011, 17). Showing that gender inequality is still prevalent in some political parties. How the Conservative Party and the House of Commons engages with womens issues of childcare and the care of the elderly. Through analysing the data, an important theme present was how the Conservative Party engages with women’s issues such as childcare. It was widely discussed how politics is an inhospitable environment for woman who have children and other responsibilities. â€Å"The way politics works often puts off quite a lot of women. Its not very friendly to somebody who has obligations to the family† (Male Conservative MP). This can be seen in reports from other literature of meetings taking place in the House of Commons until very late at night, subsequently making it difficult for women to be there due to family commitments (Russel et al, 2000). Some of the female interviewees all claimed that the unwelcoming environment made it difficult for younger women to get into politics because they are heavily burdened with the responsibility of a full on job and looking after their children. It was discussed how woman are finding it increasingly difficult to juggle both their careers and their personal life, with some interviewees suggesting that the reason why female candidates weren’t selected into the party was due to women being perceived as unable to fully commit to their careers like their male counterparts, one female peer claimed; â€Å"the reason why you end up with middle class white males is because they have previously run a business but women have to think about children† (Female Conservative Peer). This is recognized in other literature as Hymowitz (2005) argues that there has been the general perception that if a woman has a child then she cant be devoted to her job as she could be. Bryson and Heppell (2010) claim that the party has been previously criticized for assuming that women can continue with their roles at home and at work which has put them under huge strain and they have been unable to perform to the best of their ability. They further claim that ‘instead of having it all as liberal feminism seemed to promise, women are instead doing it all† (Bryson & Heppell, 2010, 46). Some female interviewees also complained of being asked how they could cope in the party if they were to have children. Through gender norms it has been believed that the care of the child is up to the mother, but many of the female interviewees expressed their outrage at this policy as one member of the Conservative Party member focus group said: â€Å"women should be able to have the choice to go out to work or staying and rearing children† Female Conservative Party Member, Focus Group. In terms of how the government is concerned with the issue of childcare, many of the female interviewees claimed that the state isn’t putting enough funding into childcare so woman are unable to juggle both their careers and their personal life. One female of the floating voter focus group claimed; â€Å"The child care facilities in London are shocking, they are far too expensive and you need to earn 30,000 to breakeven with childcare†. (Female, Floating Voter Focus Group.) This has meant that many single mothers have had to go onto benefits, because even if they were to secure employment, they still wouldn’t be able to support themselves because of the expensive rate of childcare facilities. There was a strong agreement that childcare shouldn’t be down to the responsibility of the woman, with one woman from the floating voter focus group claiming: â€Å"it shouldn’t be seen as solely the womans responsibility because two people have a child so its both their responsibility and that’s when the whole equality thing sort of breaks down and womens issue become an issue†. (Female, Floating Voter Focus Group.) One floating voter focus group interviewee claimed that womens pensions have subsequently been affected by childcare which is an area that the government has not paid much attention to, claiming that: â€Å"Women are digging in and out of employment in a way much more often than men because your busy with family responsibilities† (Female, Floating Voter Focus Group) As well as the responsibility of the children being put onto women, it is also believed that the care of the elderly is invariably part of their domain too. One female MP claimed that; â€Å"An awful lot of women are tearing their hair out and trying to balance everything, doing two jobs, looking after their children, their home, their elderly relatives. If all those women were actually working to the full extent of their capabilities then the boost to the economy would be significant, statistically significant† (Female Conservative MP). Thus meaning that due to women being under represented in government, there are few voices out there to help put forward the issues that women are facing, such as balancing their careers with their responsibility to their children and other family relatives. Although it was agreed upon that there would be many benefits of having more females in parliament and in the Conservative party as one male MP claimed that woman would have a better understanding of child care policies which could be put in place. The action has not been put in place which leaves women in a very vulnerable position, especially as there is not enough women to defend them on these grounds. Conclusion Overall this research report has demonstrated clearly that both female representation within the Conservative Party and the party’s lack of progressive engagement with women’s issues are clear demonstrations of how unrepresentative British government’s make-up and enforcement currently is. The thematic analysis of Webb and Childs data has allowed an exploration into key political issues that have arguably not been given due academic and political research. It has been shown to be apparent that members of both genders within the Conservative Party acknowledge the inherent unrepresentative nature of the party and that there is little more than plain acceptance of the cultural norms in place to main its patriarchic contour. Given women have often come to feel uncomfortable within the Conservative party, this has transcended into female political participation generally and leaves many holding little desire to engage with politics due to the scarce attention and impact devoted to women’s issues. The above in combination leaves the Conservative party to continue to be perceived as archaic in its views and this in turn prevents women from seeing positive political change or even seeking to lead such change themselves.    Bibliography Transcripts used: M2 Conservative Peer M7 Conservative Peer M8 Conservative MP M9 Conservative MP W5 Conservative Peer W6 Conservative Peer W8 Conservative MP W9 Conservative MP Focus Group 1. Conservative Members Focus Group 2 Conservative Members Floating Voter Focus Group 1 Floating Voter Focus Group 2 Bryman, A. (2012)  Social research methods. 4th edn. New York: Oxford University Press Bryson V & Heppell   T. (2010) ‘Conservatism and Feminism; The Case of the British Conservative Party’. Journal of Political Ideologies. Campbell, S, Childs S & Lovenduski J. (2006)   ‘Womens Equality Guarantees and the Conservative Party’. The Political Quarterly. Childs S, Krook M. (2010). ‘Women, Gender and Politics. A reader’ Oxford University Press. Childs S, Webb P. (2012). ‘Sex, Gender and the Conservative Party. From Iron Lady to Kitten Heels’. Palgrave Macmillan. Chiu & Monroe (2010). Gender Equality in the Academy, the pipeline problem. Cambridge University Press.Volume 43, issue 2. Dillard, A. (2005) ‘Adventures in Conservative Feminism’ Society, March/April Forke & Rickne (2016). The Glass Ceiling in Politics; Formalisation and Empirical Tests. Comparative Political studies. Hymowitz,  C (  2005). Women Internalize Stereotypes of Themselves as Weaker Leaders.  The Wall Street Journal Online. Accessed online, 2nd   May  http://www.careerjournal.com May, T. (2002). Conservative Party Conference Speech. Accessed online, 4th May. https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2002/oct/07/conservatives2002.conservatives1 Murray, R. (2014). Quotas for men: Reframing gender quotas as a means of improving representation for all. American Political Science Review, 108, 520-532 Russel, M. Lovenduski, J, Stephenson M. (2000). ‘Womens Political Participation in the UK’. The British Council, The Constitution Unit. Accessed online, 1st May . http://www.ucl.ac.uk/political-science/publications/unit-publications/89.pdf Silverman, D. (2015).   Interpreting Qualitative Data. Fifth Edition. Sage Publications.

Racism In Contemporary Britain

Racism In Contemporary Britain The existence of races in a given society presupposes the presence of racism, for without racism, physical characteristics are devoid of social significance (Van den Berghe, 1978, p.11). This represents a tension, explored within this essay, between the inability to categorise human beings into separate races on the basis of physical difference (Peoples and Bailey, 2011) and the fact that such categorisation occurs, based on the misconception that socially constructed concepts of racial difference are an objective reality (Barak et al., 2010). As the existence of race relies fundamentally upon its construction within society (Marger, 2011), it appears, within this essay, as race. In examining the existence of racism in contemporary Britain, a number of definitions will be explored, however, a commonality among them is their dependence on the definition of race, demonstrating, I would argue, the equally, socially, constructed, nature of racism (Capdevila and Callaghan, 2007). By examining Immigration and Asylum policy, this essay will analyse how differing definitions of racism, explain its continued existence, within a seemingly tolerant society (Wemyss, 2009). It also considers how immigrants and asylum seekers are perceived and treated within society, because in addition to occurring at policy level, racism is a lived experience (Lentin, 2011). I do not consider the definitions examined, namely biological, new, institutional and cultural racism, to be an exhaustive list and recognise that considering its existence from other constructs, may give a different picture of contemporary Britain, further demonstrating the need for a critical approach to concepts of racism and its existence within society (Zamudio et al., 2011). I will conclude by exploring whether accurately defining racism, impacts its prevalence, or whether pursuing the eradication of negative life chances, for minority ethnic groups, is not more beneficial than the categorisation of discri mination. Although it is now commonly recognised that there are no biological differences, by which races can be categorised (Nanda and Warms, 2010), this concept continues to create the foundation for biological racism and associates such difference with a behavioural hierarchy in terms of morals and intellect (Smedley and Smedley, 2005). This concept of hierarchy, I would argue, is integral to racism, in that the self is constructed as superior and the other as inferior (Rivers, 2008). Having proven the non-existence of race, this form of racism could be considered outdated and irrelevant, however, I would argue that its prevalence is still apparent within scientific discourse and public opinion (Lentin, 2011). In recent political debate, for example, around reducing the spread of HIV within the UK, by providing free treatment to foreign nationals (HAUK Select Committee, 2011), objectors have argued that this will increase immigration, out of a desire for free medical treatment (Department o f Health, 2005). Whilst I would not deny the greater prevalence of HIV in some parts of the world, and therefore some ethnic groups, associating this with the motivation for immigration, within such ethnic groups, being to take advantage of free resources, I would argue, has biologically racist undertones. In addition, there is no evidence that the provision of free HIV treatment would create such health tourism (NAT., 2008). With racism being legislated against (Race Relations Act, 1976), racist undertones are now more common than overt racism, when taking a biologically racist perspective (Jiwani and Richardson, 2011) and the denial of racism within Immigration and Asylum policy, arguing that its not racist to impose limits on immigration (Conservative Party, 2005), is unsurprising. Whilst immigration rules, by their nature, discriminate between those who have, and do not have, the right to remain in the UK, I would argue that this discrimination is only biologically racist, if decisions are made on the basis of physical difference. As such, it could be argued that the Conservative discourse is justified, in that some criterion are required for immigration control, but that such rules do not refer to particular racial groups having characteristics determining their suitability for immigration (Sriskandarajah, 2006). Whilst this argument does not necessarily prove the lack of racism within Immigration Po licy, it demonstrates how one definition of racism, in this case biological, can be used to deny its existence, whereas, as this essay will demonstrate, constructing alternative definitions highlights greater prevalence of racism within Immigration and Asylum policy. A combination of factors, including legislation, scientific rationale behind the non-existence of race and eugenics movements, have resulted in traditional forms of racism being constructed as socially unacceptable, causing a reduction, although not eradication, in overt, racist behaviour and a denial of racist intent (Romm, 2010). If my understanding of racism, therefore, were restricted to a biological definition, I might argue that its existence within contemporary Britain has reduced. By redefining racism, however, in the light of its social unacceptability, to subtler, indirect forms, the existence of racism, I would argue, in both Immigration and Asylum policy and wider British society, can still be seen. This subtler definition, known as New Racism (Collins and Solomos, 2010), argues that the same belief in racial superiority underpins many current discourses, but that new language is used to represent these traditional beliefs, for example, substituting race with immigrant or asylum seeker (Kimber, 2010). Returning to the Conservative Manifesto (2005), if no inference of racism exists within policy proposals, then why is there a need for rhetoric which defends a non-racist position? The powerful use of language is evident in this kind of discourse, because in addition to denying racist intent, arguments are constructed, such that, accusations of racism are deemed irrational, making any covert or indirect forms of racism difficult to challenge (Goodman and Burke, 2011). In Conservative leader, Michael Howards election campaign (2005), for example, the need for stricter immigration control is argued to be based on common sense, rather than racist principles. Mr. Howard categorises immigrants as good and bad, with those being different and not encompassing British values, deemed bad (Btihaj, 2006). Being a child of immigrants, he classifies himself a good immigrant, for whom racism is unacceptable because he is one of them, however, Michael is white, and therefore does not look different and his immigrant Father is Romanian, a Christian, European country whose values and cultures are more in line with Britishness than perhaps, non-white, non-Christian countries, making conforming to the image of good immigrant, much easier for him (Capdevila and Callaghan, 2007). In this way, I would argue that, although new language is used, racist beliefs underpin this discourse, in describing acceptable immigrants as white, with similar culture and values, and conversely less acceptable immigrants, as non-white individuals, refusing to conform to our culture and values. A biological definition would deny racism within this speech, whereas, a new racism definition highlights underlying racist discourse, which may result in the implementation of racist immigration policies. I would argue that this further demonstrates the contested and constructed nature of racism, which can be made to exist, or not, on the basis of its definition. This coded use of language can also be seen in wider public attitudes, within the UK. Where terms like lazy, stupid and unprincipled were historically used to describe racial groups, they are now connected with immigrants and asylum seekers (Craig, 2007). Similarly, Finney and Peach (2006) found that although discriminatory views have shifted from race to immigrants and asylum seekers, similar language, and reasons for feelings of animosity, are used in describing both groups. A biologically racist perspective, could argue that attitudes toward ethnic minorities have improved within the UK, but I would argue that, considering a new racism definition, although language and focus have changed, racist attitudes still prevail within contemporary British society. Another perspective in understanding racism, is to consider how policies, decision making and institutional practices create and define racism, rather than individual belief systems. This institutional definition of racism, argues that, policies are constructed to both subordinate, and maintain control over, particular racial groups (Carmichael and Hamilton, 1969). In this way, racism is the creation of inferiority through the implementation of organisational policies and procedures (Better, 2008) and is rooted in the processes of established and respected forces within society, which I would argue makes them less likely to be challenged than individual acts of racism (Carmichael and Hamilton, 1969). Institutional racism can occur unintentionally, by unwitting prejudice and racial stereotyping creating policies and cultural practices which disadvantage ethnic minorities (Macpherson, 1999). The complexity of institutional racism is that, organisations cannot make decisions or policies , without the presence of individuals and therefore questions whether an institution can be racist, or whether racism results from the influence of individuals within that institution (Roush, 2008). The UK Border Agency, in working predominantly with immigrants and asylum seekers, in my view, holds significant potential for institutional racism. Whether such racism is intentional is contested, but irrespectively, I would argue that, some immigration policies disproportionately disadvantage certain ethnic minorities. Recent changes to work permit policies, for example, mean that restaurants employing chefs from outside the EU, must find applicants with at least 5 years experience and graduate-level qualifications, paying them at least  £28,260 a year (Home Office, 2011). Although this policy is applied to all restaurants and its implementation aims to prioritise jobs for British citizens, I would argue that restaurants providing cuisine originating outside Europe, are likely to be disproportionately impacted by this policy and that such businesses are likely to be owned by, and employing individuals of, ethnic minorities (Khaleeli, 2012). In this way, whether intentionally or n ot, I would argue that these immigration changes are institutionally racist, in that their negative impact, upon ethnic minorities, is unjustifiably disproportionate. This again demonstrates, I would argue, how the definition of racism taken, can significantly impact its perceived existence within contemporary British society. A biological definition, for example, would argue that decisions are not being made on the basis of physical difference, as all individuals are receiving the same treatment, and therefore the policy is not racist. Similarly, new racism, by examining the language used, could still conclude that the intention of this policy, is not to favour any particular racial group. The difference, I would argue, with institutional racism, is that intent is less important than impact and therefore, racism can be deemed to exist if the outcomes for ethnic minorities are disproportionately worse than the general population, which in regard to this policy, I would argue, could be the case. The final perspective being explored, cultural racism, is argued by some to simply be an extension of new racism (Jacobson, 2008). Within immigration and asylum discourse, however, I would argue, the language of culture so frequently replaces that of race, as to make a distinct exploration of cultural racism beneficial (Diller, 2010). Cultural racism relates to the belief that less dominant cultures are dysfunctional, maladaptive or even deviant, emphasising individual failings, rather than a societal failure to accommodate difference (Williams, 2007). Although it could be argued that this moves too far from a valid definition of racism, this depends upon how race is defined and if there are no biological differences by which races can be categorised, then the socially constructed differences which create racism, may also be cultural differences (Pon, 2009). In this way cultural racism is both the negatively, differential treatment on the basis of cultural difference (Hill, 2008) and the denial of opportunity to express ones culture (Ford, 2005). Muslims are frequently constructed, for example, as a homogenous group, when in reality the diversity of individuals classifying themselves as Muslim, is too vast to validate a single identity (Al-Azmeh, 2007). Despite this, the term Muslim has become a way of describing ethnicity, both in politics and public opinion (Wilson, 2007). This process of homogenisation, I would argue, has caused ideas of fundamentalism, and terrorist intent, to be attributed to the Muslim identity, constructing them, in some respects, as an enemy of British society (Todorov and Brown, 2010). This is not only a discriminatory and inaccurate portrayal of a diverse group, but also culturally racist in the way such beliefs are played out in the implementation of policy and treatment of Muslims within British society (Qasmiyeh, 2010). This can be seen in proposed legislative changes, following the terrorist attacks of September 2001, where Prime Minister, Tony Blair, argued a need for increased ability to exclu de and remove those suspected of terrorism and those seeking to abuse the asylum system (Hansard, 2001). In addition, in describing the attacks, Mr. Blair highlighted the terrorists motivation as a religious obligation set out in the Islamic Holy text, the Koran (ibid). This demonstrates, I would argue, an underlying discourse associating both Muslims and asylum seekers with terrorism (Huysmans and Alessandra, 2008). Further political statements in the subsequent decade, I would argue, cemented this construction of Muslims as the enemy (Pantazis and Pemberton, 2009). In 2006, for example, a report on countering terrorism (Cabinet Office, 2006) concluded that the most prominent threat came from Islamist extremists. Furthermore John Denham, as Home Office minister, suggested that behind a minority group of terrorists, sat a wider Islamic community, who considered terrorism to be a legitimate response to current concerns (Denham, 2007). A consequence of this negative construction of Muslims, I would argue, is the discriminatory treatment of immigrants and asylum seekers who identify as Muslim (Pantazis and Pemberton, 2009). Risk-profiling computers, for example, determining on entry to the UK who should be scanned, searched and questioned, have been found to focus upon Muslim-specific behaviours, categorising practising Muslims as high risk (Webber, 2012). This is a clear demonstration, I would argue, of cultural racism, in determining negatively, differential treatment on the basis of cultural identity, further highlighting how the existence of racism, is very much dependent upon the way in which it is defined. Biological racism, for example, would argue that the range of ethnic diversity within Islam, indicates that any discriminatory treatment toward Muslims, cannot be racist, as underlying, discriminatory, motivations are not based upon biological difference. Similarly, although much of the discrimination explor ed, occurs at an institutional level, Institutional Racism is based on the impact of policies and practices upon racial, not cultural or religious, groups and so would not consider the matters explored to prove the existence of racism, within contemporary British society. Having considered varying definitions of racism, I would conclude that its existence, within contemporary British society, is complex and can be argued to be both prevalent and a thing of the past (Rattansi, 2007). By taking a biological perspective, this essay has considered that, although racist undertones may exist in some immigration and asylum discourse, its prevalence within British society is decreasing (Day, 2011). Alternatively, by taking an institutional view, where it is not intent but impact which is measured, the existence of racism has been highlighted, through some UK policies and institutions disproportionately, disadvantaging ethnic minorities. Similarly, by considering racism from the perspective of new language being used in place of traditionally racist terms, the prevalence of racism increases significantly, specifically, as this essay had demonstrated, within Immigration and Asylum policy. Finally, by extending this new racism definition to the replacement of ra cialised language, with that of culture, this essay has demonstrated how specific groups continue to experience significant levels of racism within British society, both in terms of policy construction and public attitude (Allen, 2010). Reflecting upon these various constructions of racism, I would argue that its perceived existence is highly dependent upon the definition used. Whilst this analysis has examined the existence of racism, it could be said that it does not explain its existence. Why is it that some groups consider it appropriate to negatively treat others, on the basis of their race? I would argue that the answer to this, is power. With biological racism, it is seen in the superiority and inferiority of racial groups, on the premise that biological difference creates a natural hierarchy. With new racism, it is seen in powerful discourses which paint racist ideologies as rational and in the best interests of Britain, whilst in reality maintaining the authoritative position of the powerful (Capedevila and Callaghan, 2007). With institutional racism, it is seen in those with the power to create policy and organisational procedures, constructing these to maximise the benefits for themselves and maintain their position of authority. Finally, with cultural racism, it is seen in the view that inferior and less developed cultures should be discarded an d individuals from such cultural groups assimilated into the dominant culture, accepting the superiority of these cultural norms. In light of this, I would argue, that if the existence of racism is determined by its definition and the purpose of racism is to maintain power, then a critical understanding of the constructed nature of racism, is paramount in assessing the discourses and policy proposals of those with such power. This reflection has also caused me to question the extent to which an academic pursuit of categorising behaviours, policies and ideologies as racist, is beneficial and if instead, it is deflecting the focus from challenging negative discrimination, faced by certain groups, irrespective of their experience fitting our socially constructed definition of racism. In conclusion, however, I would argue that, as racism is now considered both legally and morally wrong, if it can be accurately defined and its existence proved and highlighted, then work can be achieved towards its eradication (Cole, 2009).

Organizational Culture Profiles Essay -- Sociology, Culture

The purpose of this paper was to construct organizational culture profiles using the â€Å"Now† and â€Å"Preferred† average scores from the Organizational Cultural Assessment Instrument (OCAI) to get a pictogram of how the current culture for the Medicaid Integrity Group (MIG) matches the preferred culture. Organizational culture is not just any thoughts, values, and actions, but rather the unifying patterns that are shared, learned, combined at the group level, and internalized individual members. The findings of the OCAI provides a clear picture of the MIG’s operating culture in terms of behaviors that is believed, expected, or implicitly required and indicated items that could be changed to alter the current classification of the organization from a hierarchy culture to a clan culture. Conversely, the hierarchy focuses on rules, policies, procedures, efficiency, and control is the direct opposite of the clan that stresses family, loyalty, commitment, cohes ion, and morale. Organizational Culture Profiles In many organizations, one typically finds that corporate culture affects everyone. Culture is important because it can influence human behavior, can be difficult to change, and its near invisibility makes it hard to address directly. The MIG’s current and preferred culture shown in the OCAI in Appendix A focuses on some core attributes of the organization. The OCAI is a key component to help the MIG understand and conceptualize its organizational culture, its nature, determinants and predictions, as well as the relationships among culture's diverse set of variables. Organizational culture is widely considered one of the most significant factors in bringing about organizational ch... ...a pictogram of how the current culture for the MIG matches the preferred culture. First, from the perspective of where the organization’s current culture is and secondly, from the perspective of where organization’s culture should be. The MIG’s present culture indicates it experience hierarchy culture but would like to start working more like a clan culture. The organization’s profile indicated a large difference between the current and preferred situation, which means changes are desirable. Organizational culture is just one of the many pieces that make up the puzzle of public sector organizations. As such, it should not be considered the answer to all organizational problems, nor should it be applied to all organizational aspects. The organizational culture profiles can be a starting point to solve problems, but also a way to create problematic solutions. Organizational Culture Profiles Essay -- Sociology, Culture The purpose of this paper was to construct organizational culture profiles using the â€Å"Now† and â€Å"Preferred† average scores from the Organizational Cultural Assessment Instrument (OCAI) to get a pictogram of how the current culture for the Medicaid Integrity Group (MIG) matches the preferred culture. Organizational culture is not just any thoughts, values, and actions, but rather the unifying patterns that are shared, learned, combined at the group level, and internalized individual members. The findings of the OCAI provides a clear picture of the MIG’s operating culture in terms of behaviors that is believed, expected, or implicitly required and indicated items that could be changed to alter the current classification of the organization from a hierarchy culture to a clan culture. Conversely, the hierarchy focuses on rules, policies, procedures, efficiency, and control is the direct opposite of the clan that stresses family, loyalty, commitment, cohes ion, and morale. Organizational Culture Profiles In many organizations, one typically finds that corporate culture affects everyone. Culture is important because it can influence human behavior, can be difficult to change, and its near invisibility makes it hard to address directly. The MIG’s current and preferred culture shown in the OCAI in Appendix A focuses on some core attributes of the organization. The OCAI is a key component to help the MIG understand and conceptualize its organizational culture, its nature, determinants and predictions, as well as the relationships among culture's diverse set of variables. Organizational culture is widely considered one of the most significant factors in bringing about organizational ch... ...a pictogram of how the current culture for the MIG matches the preferred culture. First, from the perspective of where the organization’s current culture is and secondly, from the perspective of where organization’s culture should be. The MIG’s present culture indicates it experience hierarchy culture but would like to start working more like a clan culture. The organization’s profile indicated a large difference between the current and preferred situation, which means changes are desirable. Organizational culture is just one of the many pieces that make up the puzzle of public sector organizations. As such, it should not be considered the answer to all organizational problems, nor should it be applied to all organizational aspects. The organizational culture profiles can be a starting point to solve problems, but also a way to create problematic solutions.

Essay on the Metamorphosis of Fitzwilliam Darcy in Pride and Prejudice

The Metamorphosis of Fitzwilliam Darcy in Pride and Prejudice    Introduced to Jane Austen's Pride and Prejudice as a good-looking, self-absorbed aristocrat, Fitzwilliam Darcy experiences a change in his personality and character.   Falling in love was what Darcy needed in order to dispose of his existent views on marriage and money.   Although Mr. Darcy was well mannered, he did not know how to treat women with respect, especially those of a lower social status than he.   However, the love of Elizabeth Bennet changed his behavior forever.    Darcy's arrogance shines through at the beginning of the novel in his first appearance at the Meryton ball.   Speaking of Elizabeth Bennet, he so snobbishly set forth that she was, "...tolerable, but not handsome enough to tempt me" (230).   His feelings of superiority to the people of the town lend Mr. Darcy to be judged as a man with a repulsive and atrocious personality.   The women, who had found him dashingly handsome at first appearance, deemed him a man unworthy of marriage because he offered no positive qualities other than wealth and physical attractiveness.   Not only did Darcy refuse a dance with Elizabeth, but he made it apparent that no woman in the room met his standards of a suitable woman stating that, "...there is not another woman in this room, whom it would not be a punishment to me to stand up with" (229).   Mr. Darcy is concerned only with the wealth and social standing of the people in the beginning of the novel and will not even communicate with the p eople of the town as they are lower than him and undeserving of his presence.   However, as the novel continues on, Darcy becomes more and more accepting of the Bennet family, which he had formerly thought of as nothing ... ...ce.   Ed. Donald Gray.   New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1996. Hennelly, Jr., Mark M. "Pride and Prejudice." Jane Austen: New Perspectives. ed. Janet Todd. New York: Holmes & Meier Publishers, Inc., 1983. Jane Austen Info Page. Henry Churchyard. U of Texas, Austin. 23 Nov. 2000.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   <http://www.pemberly.com/janeinfo/janeinfo/html>. Monaghan, David.   Jane Austen Structure and Social Vision.   New York: Barnes & Noble Books, 1980. Poplawski, Paul.   A Jane Austen Encyclopedia.   Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1998. Reidhead, Julia, ed. Norton Anthology of English Literature vol. 7, 2nd ed. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2000. Ward, David Allen. "Pride and Prejudice." Explicator. 51.1: (1992). Wright, Andrew H. "Feeling and Complexity in Pride and Prejudice." Ed. Donald Gray. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1966. 410-420. Essay on the Metamorphosis of Fitzwilliam Darcy in Pride and Prejudice The Metamorphosis of Fitzwilliam Darcy in Pride and Prejudice    Introduced to Jane Austen's Pride and Prejudice as a good-looking, self-absorbed aristocrat, Fitzwilliam Darcy experiences a change in his personality and character.   Falling in love was what Darcy needed in order to dispose of his existent views on marriage and money.   Although Mr. Darcy was well mannered, he did not know how to treat women with respect, especially those of a lower social status than he.   However, the love of Elizabeth Bennet changed his behavior forever.    Darcy's arrogance shines through at the beginning of the novel in his first appearance at the Meryton ball.   Speaking of Elizabeth Bennet, he so snobbishly set forth that she was, "...tolerable, but not handsome enough to tempt me" (230).   His feelings of superiority to the people of the town lend Mr. Darcy to be judged as a man with a repulsive and atrocious personality.   The women, who had found him dashingly handsome at first appearance, deemed him a man unworthy of marriage because he offered no positive qualities other than wealth and physical attractiveness.   Not only did Darcy refuse a dance with Elizabeth, but he made it apparent that no woman in the room met his standards of a suitable woman stating that, "...there is not another woman in this room, whom it would not be a punishment to me to stand up with" (229).   Mr. Darcy is concerned only with the wealth and social standing of the people in the beginning of the novel and will not even communicate with the p eople of the town as they are lower than him and undeserving of his presence.   However, as the novel continues on, Darcy becomes more and more accepting of the Bennet family, which he had formerly thought of as nothing ... ...ce.   Ed. Donald Gray.   New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1996. Hennelly, Jr., Mark M. "Pride and Prejudice." Jane Austen: New Perspectives. ed. Janet Todd. New York: Holmes & Meier Publishers, Inc., 1983. Jane Austen Info Page. Henry Churchyard. U of Texas, Austin. 23 Nov. 2000.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   <http://www.pemberly.com/janeinfo/janeinfo/html>. Monaghan, David.   Jane Austen Structure and Social Vision.   New York: Barnes & Noble Books, 1980. Poplawski, Paul.   A Jane Austen Encyclopedia.   Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1998. Reidhead, Julia, ed. Norton Anthology of English Literature vol. 7, 2nd ed. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2000. Ward, David Allen. "Pride and Prejudice." Explicator. 51.1: (1992). Wright, Andrew H. "Feeling and Complexity in Pride and Prejudice." Ed. Donald Gray. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1966. 410-420.